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EXTRACTS FROM (THAN SPEECHES 



OF q 



HON. A^M. ITOCKEUY, 

In the House of Eepeesentatives 

Jan uary 19, February S3, March 8, and April 1, > h 6, 7. and n, 1898. 

RESOURCES OF THE GOVERNMENT. 
February 23, 1S9S. 
Mr. DOCKERY. Mr. Chairman, the late civil war called into 
existence a stupendous military establishment. The Government 
laid the burdens of taxation in all constitutional direction Pto meet 
the enormous expenditures incident to the prosecution of the war 
T th f i St Sf Jnly - 1861 ' t0 the 30th of June, 1860. the actual 
outlay of the National Treasury was §3,873,189 827.45 the rS 

bK n 3To e 58°U^ G ?r^ m , e ^ fOT thG SaUie * ekod havin S SS 

Slv '' J , i ■•Vv that ls £° sa ^' notwithstanding the extraor- 

dinary taxes levied to supplement the ordinary revenues the 

SenditurS: 01116 ™ msufficient b >' $3,552,131,084.33 to meet 
The revenues derived from customs were increased during that 
period by increasing tariff taxation from an average of 18 84 per 
c-iit on dutiable goods in 1861 to an average of 40.29 per cent 
Internal-revenue and direct taxes were invoked to aid the income 
arising from customs m meeting the heavy demands upon the 
ii easury. A tax was also imposed on home manufacturers, which 
yielded a largo annual revenue. A tax was also levied upon in- 
comes to relieve the stringent Treasury situation, and in 1866 it 
added to our revenues $72,000,000, paid by 460,171 persons. Con- 
gress also levied taxes on the receipts of railroad companies in- 
surance companies and express companies. Banks were also 
required to aid the Government by taxes on their capital, deposits 
and checks. Lnited States notes, commonly known as "green- 
backs, were issued and invested with legal-tender functions. 

lie national income being still inadequate to meet the liabilities 
01 the war, Congress authorized the issue of bonds. Many of the 
bonds were sold for greenbacks at 40 to 60 cents on the dollar 
measured by a coin standard. 

It is obvious, therefore, from this exhibit, taken from official 
records, that the Government secured the larger part of its income 
lor the prosecution of the war by the sale of bonds authorized bv 
various acts of Congress from 1862 to 1 81 5. 

The financial resources of the Government now available for 
war purposes and the methods which can be employed to sustain 
the Ireasury may be concisely stated. 

The Government had, on last Saturdav evening, an available 
cash balance in the Treasury of $225,017^32.19. This Treasury 
balance, exclusive of the $100,000,000 gold reserve, is available to 
meet all Treasury liabilities. In the event the gold reserve should 
be trenched upon, the resumption act of January 14, 1875 authorizes 
the Secretary of the Treasury to issue coin bonds to maintain re- 
sumption. This is the only law now authorizing the issue of 
3256 1 






" 



,000 

>* 9 

* <§i 

, fcon\aiid the President might invoke its aid to maintain the 

"77 feold reserve, and by the existing Treasury construction the money 

thus procured from the sale of bonds could be used to meet cur- 

^ rent expenses after having once performed redemption functions. 

Should war be declared, however, the President would proba- 
bly not be required thus to secure money by what seems to me to 
be a pernicious Treasury construction. Congress would at once 
provide the Treasury with an ample income, as it did from 1S61 to 
18G5, by taxing, if necessary, manufacturers, express companies, 
insurance companies, banks, and other owners of wealth; by is- 
suing greenbacks, and bv granting authority, if absolutely neces- 
sary^ to the Secretary of the Treasury to issue bonds, thus supplying 
any deficiency in revenues not met by these extraordinary meth- 
ods of taxation. The only income the Treasury enjoyed during 
the war period that could not now be availed of was the revenue 
derived from a tax upon incomes. The recent decision of the 
Supreme Court having declared such taxation to be unconstitu- 
tional, the people would be compelled to support the Army and 
Navy without aiel from an income tax. 

I wholly dissent from the justice of that opinion of the Supreme 
Court, but the people of this country will maintain the national 
honor and uphold our flag, even though the holelers of unproduc- 
tive capital escape their just share of the burdens of government. 

If war should come, the resources of the Republic will be ample 
to meet its liabilities without the hardships of taxation incident 
to the civil war. Then our people were estranged and divided. 
Now they are united and eager to contribute whatever may be 
essential to uphold the dignity and honor of the nation, either 
upon land or sea. Since the civil strife our population has more 
than doubled; the mileage of railroads more than trebled; all our 
industries have multiplied greatly, and the national wealth now 
reaches the mighty total of more than $70,000,000,000. Our finan- 
cial resources, therefore, are fully adequate to meet all the possi- 
ble requirements which war might entail upon our Treasury. 

ARMY AND NAVY. 

Mr. Chairman, our Army, it is true, is but a skeleton army, con- 
sisting of but 25,000 men; but that army would swell to millions 
upon the call of Congress and the President. Our new Navy, 
while not so powerful as the navies of England, Germany, and 
other great European powers, is yet formidable, and, if the occa- 
sion arises, will prove a worthy successor of our old-time Navy. 
The superb conduct of Captain Sigsbee amiel the awful horrors 
incident to the destruction of the battle ship Maine shows that the 
valor of our naval officers and seamen is not decadent. 

Since 1883 Congress has authorized the construction of 77 war 
vessels at a cost of $13-1,439,707.10. Sixteen of these vessels have 
not yet been completed. A summary of the vessels authorized 
since 1883 is as follows: 

Battleships, first-class 9 

Battle ships, second-class 2 

Cruisers IS 

Gunboats 15 

Harbor-defense rani 1 

Monitors 6 

Dynamite cruiser. 1 

Torpedo boats 2L 

Submarine torpedo boat 1 

Training ships for cadets 2 

Dispatch boat 1 

Mr. Chairman, of the sixteen vessels now under construction, 
the Secretary of the Navy estimates that all will be completed 
3256 



during the present year except five battle ships, which will prob- 
able not be ready for service until the latter part of the coming 
year. It is, therefore, obvious that the United States is not so 
powerless upon the seas as some would have it understood. The 
present Navy, however, should be rapidly reenforced by the con- 
struction of other warships, so that the United States may be 
able to vindicate the rights and interests of American citizens 
wherever menaced or imperiled. 

I may also add that during the past ten years there have been 
expended on seacoast fortifications and their armament and for 
submarine mines and torpedoes $39,384,253.50, and our principal 
seaport towns have thus been put in such a condition that with 
the aid of the Navy the country could easily resist the attack of 
any one of the great naval powers of the world. 

******* 

FOR THE NATIONAL DEFENSE. 
March 8, 1898. 

.Mr. DOCKERY. Mr. Speaker, I will detain the House but a 
few moments. The time for discussion has passed, and the hour 
for action has arrived. In the face of the present emergency, I 
believe that no American citizen will falter or hesitate as to his 
duty. Divided we may be among ourselves upon questions of 
domestic policy; as to our relations toward other nations we pres- 
ent an unbroken front. [Applause.] Party lines fade away, and 
we are ready on this side of the Chamber to join the other side in 
support of all proper measures to protect the country and to up- 
hold the national dignity and the national honor. [Applause.] 

This bill places at the disposal of the President for the national 
defense $50,000,000. I supported it in committee; it was reported 
unaniinously. and I give it my hearty and enthusiastic support 
now. I am willing now and at all times to vote to maintain the 
majesty of this Government and to promote its vigor and power. 

Mr. Speaker, we have inherited through great tribulations the 
priceless blessings of liberty and self-government from the illus- 
trious military and naval heroes of this Republic. Let us show 
ourselves worthy of our forefathers of the Revolution and of our 
other patriots who, in all the later wars, have upheld upon land 
and sea the principles of republican government. [Applause.] 
Sir, let there be no discordant note in our response to the univer- 
sal voice of the American people summoning us here and now to 
stand by the ' rovernment and support this appropriation. [Loud 
applause.] 

****** * 

SPANISH CRUELTY. 

March . 

Mr. DOCKERY. Mr. Chairman, I shall support the bill now 
pending to maintain and increase the American Navy. The neces- 
sity for additional war ships is so obvious that argument becomes 
unnecessary. The barbarous character of the warfare waged by 
Spain in Cuba is no longer in dispute. The awful desolation and 
destruction of human life carried on there under Spanish rule are 
now no longer matters of contention. For months the American 
correspondents in Cuba have recited in our press the harrowing 
details of slaughter, rapine, starvation, and extermination inaugu- 
rated by Weyler, and so appalling is the story that the American 
people have l;een loath to believe it. But the statements of Senator 
Proctor, Senator Callinger, Senator Thurston, and other eye- 

£.'56 



witnesses recently returned from the island fully vindicate the 
honor and veracity of the American press correspondents. 

Indeed, Mr. Chairman, language seems impotent to depict, much 
less to exaggerate, the cruelties perpetrated by Spain in her efforts 
to exterminate the Cuban population. The wholesale carnival of 
blood visited by the early Spanish Conquistadores upon the unre- 
sisting aborigines of the West Indies, Mexico, and Peru at the be- 
ginning of Spanish sovereignty over America, the atrocities ol the 
Duk* of Alva in the Netherlands, the massacre of the Armenians 
by the Turks, and the scalping of helpless women and children 
by the Apaches do not surpass the recent crimes of Spam in Cuba. 
It is estimated that more than 400,000 Cubans have already per- 
ished by Spanish cruelty. I declared months ago that the United 
States should not longer hesitate to intervene in behalf of Cuba s 
freedom. _ . ... 

Every hour of delay only intensifies the sufferings and miseries 
of the hapless Cubans. The dictates of humanity and of civiliza- 
tion peremptorily forbid further delay. It can not bo that this 
great country will much longer tolerate on the American conti- 
nent Spanish atrocities like those of the Dark Ages. The time for 
action, for intervention, for interference, for swift and sudden 
cessation, has come. Sir, I believe the President will respond to 
the unanimous desire of the American people and go, with Con- 
gress and the nation, to the end, without halting or looking back. 
I am convinced that he desires to start aright. Surely he must 
be nearly ready for the march. It now seems that war is inevi- 
table. Mr. Chairman, if it is necessary, let it come, and let it 
drive the cruel, treacherous Spaniard from the Western World. 
Whether the outcome of present conditions be war or peace, we 
should build up and strengthen the American Navy. [Applause.] 
a •::- * * * * * 

INCREASE OF THE NAVY. 

April 1, 1S08. 

Mr. DOCKER Y. Mr. Chairman, I am willing to vote for all the 
torpedo boats and torpedo-boat destroyers carried by the amend- 
ment of my colleague [Mr. Pearce], provided the Secretary of 
the Navy shall approve the proposition. Mr. Chairman, if I had 
any doubt of the danger of imminent trouble, that doubt would 
be dispelled by the very atmosphere which I breathe around me, 
already charged, as it is, with the extravagance of war. 

I desire to say further, Mr. Chairman, that I will support the 
War and Navy Departments in all proper requisitions for men and 
money; but I am unwilling, and this House should be unwilling, 
to accept even the judgment of so distinguished a Representative 
as my colleague, and'double the number of torpedo boats and 
torpedo-boat destroyers without a committee having first con- 
sidered the amendment and without Secretary Long having given 
it his approval. 

Sir, I warn this House on the threshold of probable war— I fear 
the warning will fall on leaden ears— that, while all Representa- 
tives, whether Democrats, Republicans, or Populists, are willing 
to vote every dollar the Government may need, every dollar called 
for by the heads of Departments and approved by committees, 
we should not depart from the time-honored methods of consider- 
ing such measures by committees and after the Departments have 
submitted estimates. This amendment may be adopted in a patri- 
otic spirit and an outburst of enthusiasm, but it thus takes more 
3256 



the form of an assault on the Treasury of the United States than 
an assault on Spain. 
All the money we are now appropriating — and let it be a thou- 
I millions if necessary to uphold the national honor — rnust he 
paid ultimately by the men who follow the plow, by the men who 
delve in the mines, by the men who work on the railroads and 
in productive industri 3. They will pay it willingly and cheer- 
fully if the Government needs it, but let us not in a passionate 
make appropriations not ask"d for by the Secretary of 
etary of the Navy and not required by the needs 
( Applause. ] 

* * * * 

TEMPORARY FORTS. 
Ajp 
Mr. h' V. Mr. er, I desire only a moment. What- 

ncy, I intend, so 

far as my vote 1, that Coi all be acquitted of 

1 ball 1 made by the 

so cast as to fix responsibility else- 

wher • the joint resolution now 

pending in committee, and 1 support it now ise its provi- 

in the ; use I believe 

with the gentleman from 11;; Mr. Cannon ;] that it should 

find a place rmanent statu: 

Dm ipriated, in the reg- 

nlar rtifications and their arma- 

. Alargepartof the 

the national 

Fortification purposes, and this bill 

ippropriation by enabling the 

joinl r< sun 

ning the written consent of the 

;ment, should have 

the i purposes as the 

b now and 
Mr. ' know what the a the Exi cutive 

r my- 

nly, I ni.f. I com the 

h( n lich now afflict the ( lubans. 

[do ill- d " hon Mi ( iovernment 

who died in the 
: i I .in American citi :en, so far a< my vol 

■ .1 be cast in all appropriate 

a. proper condition for off ensive and 

oping, at tl ■ that peace may 

lie people of the United 

* 

..1 1. \i: ARMY. 
April ■ 
iCKERY. Mr. Sp L think it is hardly necessary to 

add anything to what h n bo we l said on both sidesof the 

Chamber in to this bill. It is obvious to me thai this 

1 rill, by an overwhelming vote, rejecl the measure. The 

which no\N ' any hope of saving any 

;,,. i,iii is th« ted by the gentleman from Iowa 

and be amendment of the measure. 



6 

Mr. Speaker, if the bill is to be amended, I suggest to the gen- 
tleman from Iowa that the bill should be recommitted to the com- 
mittee, and after careful consideration again reported to the 
House. I think in that way, in view of the discussion already- 
had, the committee will be able to report a suitable measure 
which will receive the approval of the House, provided always 
that the standing army is not increased either in peace or war. 

Mr. Speaker, this is not an emergency measure. It does not in- 
crease tho standing army in time of peace, but it proposes to 
increase the standing army in time of war from about 27,000 men 
to about 105,000 men. I am opposed to this increase in the Regu- 
lar Army of 78,000 men, because the United States in all its wars 
has largely relied upon the citizen soldiery, and has fought its 
battles and achieved its triumphs with their aid. 

We relied upon the volunteers in the war of 1812; we called for 
the volunteers in the war with Mexico, in all the Indian wars, and 
in the late civil war. The volunteer soldiery has always supple- 
mented the Regular Army and fought our battles, and if there is 
to be war with Spain, if our flag is to float in victory upon the 
Island of Cuba, it should be sustained and upheld by the volun- 
teer soldiers of the United States. [Applause.] 

Mr. Speaker, this bill authorizes an increase of the Regular 
Army in time of war to the extent of about 78,000 men. I object 
to it because, to that extent, it stands in the way of the splendid 
yeomanry from Iowa, from Missouri, from Illinois, from the great 
Northwest, from the Northeast, and from other sections of the 
Union, who desire to defend the flag if there is to be war with 
Spain. For that reason, Mr. Speaker, I trust the gentleman from 
Iowa [Mr. Hull] will consent at this time that the bill may be 
recommitted and reconstructed. I am satisfied that the House 
will then approve it, provided there is no authority to increase 
the Regular Army. 

Mr. HULL. The bill is now before theHouse, and the commit- 
tee are perfectly willing to hear the objections of the gentleman 
from Missouri so far as the increase of the number of companies 
is concerned. Why not let us amend the bill to meet the views of 
a majority of the House? 

Mr. DOCKER Y. Because I do not believe that the measure can 
be properly perfected in that way. The whole bill should be re- 
constructed. If reconstructed on the line of this discussion, and 
no increase is made in the Regular Army, I think the House will 
approve it. 

Mr. HULL. The present law on the statute books of the United 
States places the Regular Army in the time of peace at 26,010, 
in round numbers. The present law on the statute books of the 
United States provides for an increase from a peace footing to a war 
footing, making, in round numbers, the Regular Army of about 
48,000 men. Does the gentleman want us to bring in a bill provid- 
ing that in time of war there shall be no increase in the Regular 
Army over what we have to-day? 

Mr. DOCKERY. I am speaking for myself only. I do not de- 
sire the Regular Army increased even in time of war. I insist 
that this nation should rely upon the volunteer soldiery. Let me 
state the effect of the bill: Under its provisions the men who enlist 
in the Regular Army from Missouri, from Iowa, from Illinois, 
from Maine, and from other States must enlist as privates. They 
must go upon the muster roll as privates, to be officered by the 
officers of the Regular Army. 

Mr. HULL. Do you not do that under the law as it is now? 
3350 



Mr. DOCKER Y. Certainly, Mr. Speaker; but the Regular 
Army is small, and I do not desire it increased, because our people 
should have the opportunity to enlist not only as privates but also 
as officers. 

Mr. HULL. According to that theory, if the committee should 
1 ring in a bill on the lines that the gentleman suggests, we would 
be obliged, in order to have the modern formation, to cut the 
number of regiments in two. 

DOCKERY. Mr. Speaker, I am not familiar with the de- 
tails of army organization. I am not an expert in military mat- 
it I oppose the increase of the Regular Army either in time 
ce or in time of war. If we are to have war, let the Gov- 
ernment call upon our heroic volunteers to aid the Regular Army. 
[Applan 
Mr. TALBERT. It has been stated here by different members 
e of war this bill, if it should be in operation, would 
troy the militia organization— the National Guard. I should 
like the gentleman from Missouri to explain in what way the bill 
will dismember or disorganize the militia of the States. 
.Mr. DOCKERY. By denying them the privilege of "doing 

Mr. TALBERT. Then it takes their business out of their 
hat: 
Mr. DOCKERY. It commits to the Regular Army the duty 
fighting our battles, to the extent at least of the proposed in- 
crease of 78, 000 men. It thus takes away from the National 

for maintaining its organization. 
.Mr. ROBBINS. And there can not lie enlistments in the Regu- 
lar Army beyond the number of 104,000. 

in H KERY. That is true. I think the bill should be re- 

committed, thai it maybe perfected before it is again brought 

into tli>' I I iiould be glad if we could have unanimous 

consent al to test the sentiment of tin' House upon a 

iple 1 1 lot i on to recommit the bill. 

.Mr. FLEMING. Lei as have a vote on that. 

Mr.liri.lv. [ objecl to that, because I believe thai thebillcan 

d and v ited upon in the 1 touse. If we fail in that effort, 

it will then hi- tin;' 1 enough to recommit the bill. 

.Mr. MARSH. 1 want to suggest to the gentleman from Mis- 

iri whether, in cutting down the number of nun that this bill 

contemplates as an ir > of the Regular Army, the 

proposed incr< 3hould not also be largely cut down. 

mething more than 750 new officers are pn ivided for in the bill, 

and if there ii to be, as suggested by the gentleman from Missouri, 

no increase in the number of enlisted men, it isaquestion whether 

fch( : Id !>■■ air. i] of tin' officers. 

Mr. 1>< ii IKERY. There ought not to he. I am not criticising 
the committee in a captions spirit; 1 know that it has presented 
tin' besl measure it could devise. But the lull is not in harmony 
with th«' sentimenl on both sides of this Chamber, unless I am 
wholly mistaken. 1 have ci mversed with a number of gentlemen, 
and I beli( •■ the -■ atimi al is practically unanimous against the 
bill. 

April 7, I- 

Mr. DOCKERY. Mr. Speaker, I would like the attention of 
the House for the few moments remaining to me. Let me say 
that t: it in any sense a partisan measure. If evidence were 

required to vindicate that fact, the appearance upon the floor of 
the eloquenl gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Hay] and my able 



8 

friend from Tennessee [Mr. Cox] in support of the bill would be 
a sufficient refutation of such a suggestion. The issue raised by 
this bill is nonpartisan in all respects, but, m rny judgment, this 
is a pernicious measure and ought not to pass. It can be, should 
be, and indubitably will be considered solely from the standpoint 
of the public interests. 

Mr. Speaker, what do the two sections of the bill that remain 
accomplish? The chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs 
[Mr. Hull] has abandoned all other sections except the first and 
the second. All the rest are to be eliminated by consent. I have 
heretofore asked to recommit the bill to the committee for the 
purpose of reconstructing it along the line of the manifest senti- 
ment of the House which has developed since its consideration 
began. But the gentleman from Iowa declines to accede to this 

rGQUGSt 

Mr. Speaker, the first section. adds 25 majors to the Regular 
Army in time of peace. I do not object so strenuously to that 
provision, but I am opposed to the bill as a whole because of my 
unalterable hostility to any increase of the infantry and cavalry 
arms of the Regular Army either in peace or war. I challenge 
the attention of the House to the effect of the second section. 
We should fully understand its purpose before agreeing to its 
provisions. This second section of the bill repeals the existing 
law which has been upon our statute books since 1877, fixing the 
maximum limit of the standing Army at 25,000 men. 

It repeals that law, and in the discretion of the President, after 
a declaration of war, there can be added to the Army not less than 
5,000 enlisted men and not less than 150 officers. If this House 
desires to enter upon the policy of increasing the Regular Army, 
then let us vote to enact the first and second sections of the bill. 
I protest against the contemplated reversal of the policy of the 
fathers and the increase of the standing Army. 

Mr. MARSH. I say it means 10,000 men. 

Mr. DOCKERY. The gentleman from Illinois declares that 
the section under consideration authorizes an increase of 10,000 
men. 

Mr. STEELE. But it does not, all the same. 

Mr. DOCKERY. The proper construction of the second section 
is somewhat in doubt and the views of gentlemen are not in har- 
mony, a fact obviously indicating the necessity of sending this bill 
back to the committee and perfecting it in plain terms along the 
lines of justice both to the Regular Army and the volunteer sol- 
diers of the United States. Sir, I have no criticism to make of the 
Regular Army. I take a just pride in its achievements, which 
have illustrated the highest order of courage, skill, and patriotism 
on hundreds of battlefields. 

The Regular Army has written much of American history that 
will remain forever. West Point has been the nursery of its illus- 
trious heroes. We should cherish this great military school and 
properly maintain the Army, but let us not forget the splendid 
feats in arms accomplished by the volunteer armies of the Union. 
Mr. Speaker, this bill was conceived in the War Department. • It 
had its birth in a desire for active service and promotion by the 
officers of the Regular Army. 

When it came originally to this House it was in utter disregard 
of the interests of the volunteer soldiers. If the gallant men we 
represent desire to enlist in the Army under this bill to aid in es- 
tablishing Cuban freedom, they must enlist as privates and be 
commanded by officers of the Regular Army. Sir, speaking for 

3256 



one of the proudest districts of Missouri, for a constituency with- 
out a superior, ready and eager to defend our country in the com- 
ing war with Spam I insist upon their right to enlist in m£- 

^Inf m fl S ™ de V he A fla ? of the United States and not in 
ts of the Regular Army. [Applause.] 

****** ,> 

CUBAN INDEPENDENCE. 

W ly, April 13, 1898. 

n , Vy lf : ' *'on the majority and minority reports 

fi ^azrs on the joint resolution auLSg 

Mr. 

I thank the House for its courtesv. This is a 

en the civilization of the nineteenth "century and 

■f the Dark A-es-a contest between 

'ii this simple issue I unhesitatingly 

it for freedom and for the complete extinction of 

a the Island of Cuba. 

•tion. offered by the majority of 

airs, demands immediate interven- 

in Cuba, to the end that a stable and inde- 

] y be established there. I quote its exact 

irs past has been waging 

■ inhabitants thereof 

the suppression of said 

trary to the laws 

: the death by starva- 

. the victims being for the 

:i, inflicting intolerable injury to the 

, involving the destruction of tho 

cur citi; g the expenditure of 

A our coasts an 1 1 , he high seas in order 

■ injuries, and bnrdons for which Spain is 

-battleship 
a and in the death of 260 of our scumen: 

ited States of 

denti her by authorized and 

he war in Cuba, to theend and with the 

I order there and establishing by the 

ment of their 

il and em- 

- the United S executetho 

Qority recognizes the existing Cuban 

/' the Unit d stales of 
:tes Government hereby 
■ 

ms of humanity, of inter- 

irate mooring of our bat- 

tion in the harbor 

nd !:.- is hereby, directed 

of the United States in aid- 

adence hereby recognized. 

ireby authorized and 

b ■ starving people of Cuba. 

■ilution the President is "au- 

" to use the land and naval forces "to 

!' the resolution, ' while the minority substi- 

rident to "employ immediately" the land 

and naval forces to uphold tlie independence of the Republic of 

ba. Upon Dot! <>f this Chamber there is concurrence in 

i opinion that action is now a necessity. The futility of diplo- 

l lemonstrated. The great throbbing heart of the 



10 

nation beats responsive to the demand that the murder of our 
naval heroes in Havana Harbor by Spanish treachery shall be 
avenged. Our patriotic people will never consent to arbitrate the 
awful tragedy of the Maine. Such a wound to the national honor 
can not thus be cured; still less can it be appraised in dollars and 
cents. 

Mr. Speaker, the story of cruelty, duplicity, turpitude, famine, 
pestilence, and hell on earth in Cuba under the barbarous war- 
fare of Spain is repeated in the self-same horrified tone, though in 
different tongues, by the whole civilized world. It is so appalling 
in its horrors that, humanity stands aghast at it. The recital of 
its details would put the Comanches of our Western plains to the 
blush. The atrocities of Spain are the most iniquitous in history. 
They shock the conscience of humanity, and the Christian world 
unites in the demand for the expulsion of Spanish power from 
Cuba. 

From this fundamental proposition there is no dissent here, 
whatever may be the attitude of the cringing commercial spirit 
elsewhere. The ravening Spanish tiger must be driven to its na- 
tive jungle across the seas. 

HOW SHALL CUBA BE GOVERNED? 

Mr. Speaker, how shall Cuba be governed? There are only 
three propositions to be considered in this connection: First, the 
United States may enter upon a policy of conquest and annexa- 
tion of the island; second, the United States can assist in the es- 
tablishment of an independent republic in Cuba by and for the 
"people of Cuba," without recognizing the present Republic of 
Cuba as a political entity; third, the United States can recognize 
and assure the stability of the present Republic of Cuba. 

As to the first proposition of conquest and annexation, no 
American citizen asks or desires it. On the contrary, everyone 
disclaims and denounces it. It would put this country to open 
shame before the nations of the world. It would brand this Re- 
public with the stigma of dishonor. 

I may remark, in passing, that if the counsels entertained else- 
where than in the halls of Congress were followed, Spain might be 
permitted to continue in control of Cuba with her odious power 
masked behind the so-called Canadian scheme— one of the various 
schemes of '-autonomy ''that have been proposed— and her banner 
of blood and gold still flaunting offense in the eyes of mankind. 

Indeed, I fear the so-called "stable government "and the armis- 
tice suggested by the President would be but a fence behind which 
a last desperate Spanish attempt to retain control of Cuba might 
be put into execution, and the Spanish-Cuban bonded debt of 
$400,000,000 saddled upon the Cuban people as the price of their 
apparent liberty. But, sir, the American people can not be de- 
ceived m this, and they will be content with nothing less than free 
and independent Cuba, They are not in accord with the Presi- 
dent m his opposition to the recognition of the Cuban Republic 
Its recognition would relieve the Cubans of any liability for the 
Spanish bonded debt. 

This brings me to the proposition of the majority, contemplat- 
ing the independence of the - people of Cuba" after intervention. 
But, Mr. Speaker, why ignore the existing Cuban Republic? Let 
me quote from the report on the minority resolution, prepared by 
my colleague, Mr. Clark: 

The government which the Cubans have established has all the forms of 
a republic, and is a republic in fact, based on manhood suffrage, with Sla- 
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11 

tive and executive departments in full operation, and -with a judicial depart- 
: -ncies of the situation permit. 

■se large sums of money, conduct a postal 
m, maintain an arm;, * men in the field, have defended them- 

ish soldiers, 135,000 of whom are in 

are now in undisputed possession of three- 

hor picket lines Spain possesses not one foot 

iK'S three-fourths of the population are 

ill cordially participate in the republican govern- 

■ the island. * * * 

of the independence of the Cuban 
I Tit such recognition by their valor 

gnition is the plain, honest, courageous, 
; I rom the minds of all men any suspicion that 

i war of i : and to annex the island from 

oing of a policy of imperial aggran- 

i ;;sting republic because, under 

ting government can be recognized, and be- 

lif t from the minds of the Cuban 

; .. e will force upon them a government which they do 

; such recognition, in the event of war 
n Republic it would be a war against Cuba 
of her ii ■ nee she is, in the contem- 

; : ain. 

of t heir republic will give the Cubans credit 
i earth, thereby enabling them to use all their re- 

ncemeni countries to reenforce 

that tl y will be treated as soldiers and will 
i 3, or pirates in the event of capture. 

IZE TI1K CUBAN REPUBLIC. 

why turn our lacks upon Gomez and his he- 

y not attested on a hundred Cuban 

i heir und< mbted valor in arms and their patriotism of 

i not, during three long miserable years of 

; rith the oppressor, well and fairly earned their per- 

e not their good swords flashed unceasingly 

e burning Bnnlight of the tropics, that they might dedicate a 

rnment to the '.nty of the people and to the equality 

Hav< they not courageously borne the heat and bur- 

(J. u of the day? Have' they not shed their blood for their cause? 

i not their kindred fallen martyrs in the sacred name of lib- 

their wives and helpless children and their aged 

and ■ ts been driven the sad ways of death, solely 

attachment to the cause of Cuba Libre? Shall 

re anyone here who will declare— that they 

I in vain? No, a thousand times no! 

They never fail who die 

ak their ^'ft-; 

den in th ■ sun: their limbs 

Though years 
1 3 dark a doom, 
ep and sweeping thoughts 
rs, and conduct 
t to freedom. 
Mr. Speaker, I an patriots have marched and fought and 

iply that liberty and self-government might be established 
ds of thousands of their people haveper- 
ought on, against fearful odds, their grim 
. with a constancy and a self-abnegation that 
•r unqualified admiration. If ever a people have earned 
have earned it, and this great Government 
of th( 1 States should set the seal of its approval and bless- 

: .-(forts by recognizing the existing Cuban govern- 
Through weary yearB of intense toil, hardship, starvation, and 
mction iz has led his people through the wilderness. 



12 

And now shall it be said, after he has guided thera to the Mount 
of Pisgah, that this mighty Republic, the hope of the world and 
the exemplar of human liberty, shall deny him the right to lead 
still his battle-scarred army of freedom as it enters the promised 
land of peace, happiness, and self-government? God forbid! Let 
American patriotism forbid. Before this House adjourns to-day, 
let us rise to the height of this great occasion, and of our own duty 
and opportunity, by adopting the proposition to declare Cuban 
freedom and to recognize the Cuban Republic. Sir, let us deal 
justly by the Cuban patriots, and the future will show that we have 
dealt wisely. 

****** 

RECOGNITION OF CUBAN BELLIGERENCY. 

January 19, 1893. 

The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and 
having under consideration the bill (H. R. 6449) making appropriations for the 
diplomatic and consular service for the fiscal year ending June 30, L899— 

Mr. DOCKERY said: 

Mr. Chairman: The time for debate being so limited, I am com- 
pelled to avail myself of the courtesy of the House, just extended, 
to invite attention to the exact nature of the issue pending and 
upon which, thus far, the votes of Representatives have been cast 
along party lines. 

The proposition offered by my able colleague, Judge De Ar- 
mond, proposes simply to recognize the belligerent rights of the 
patriots of Cuba. 

It would seem, Mr. Chairman, that this question is national in 
character, and should not be involved in the meshes of party poli- 
tics. The recognition of the belligerency of the Cubans would be 
in harmony with the aspirations of the people and with the tradi- 
tional policies of the Republic since its birth. I believe in robust 
partisanship, and yet I am more firmly attached to rugged patriot- 
ism. The chief corner stones of the Republic are the great cardinal 
tenets of equality before the law and the sovereignty of the people. 
These doctrines we have inherited through great tribulations. 

During the closing years of the eighteenth century they achieved 
their first triumphs in modern times, and for more than a century, 
under all Administrations of the Government, our foreign policy 
has been in harmony with them. It seems, therefore, that all the 
people, regardless of party affiliations, should be in accord upon 
this great question, involving a declaration of our attitude toward 
a race now struggling to establish a republican form of govern- 
ment. Regarding a contest such as that which has been waged 
in Cuba for now more than three years, partisanship should be 
silent in the presence of patriotism. 

ACTION OF CONGRESS TX 1890. 

Until the assembling of the present Congress this has been the 
attitude of the representatives of the American people on both 
sides of this Chamber. By reference to the Congressional Rec- 
ord it appears that the action of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives in the Fifty-fourth Congress on a proposition more 
extensive in its scope than the one now pending was substantially 
unanimous. Americanism was then rampant. Democrats, Re- 
publicans, and Populists were alike enthusiastic in supporting a 
proposition that not only accorded to the Cubans all the rights of 
belligerents, but also tendered the friendly offices of thf> Govern- 
ment to secure the recognition of their independence. 
3:?50 



13 

I note the exact language of the concurrent resolution then 
agreed to by the Senate and House of Representatives: 

Representatives concurring therein) 

ar exists between the 

rnment proclaimed and for some time 

u and that the United 

lid maintain a ntrality between the contend- 

:its of belligerents in the ports and 

States should bo 
mt for the recognition of 

concurr >lution was passed by the 

iruary, 1 896, by the decisive vote of 64 to 
publica tituting the entire oppo- 

nent resolution was agreed 
resent;! i the Gth of April, 1896 by 

: navs— 17 Republicans and lb 
tive. 
Mr. Chairman, that in so far as our relations 
e have heretofore been practically a unit 
i" '< an foreign policy. 

lut'ion was pending before the House 
milted my own views, which have been fully 
y the events of the last two years, as follows: 

• t of history it is not a matter of surprise that 
ogaged in a struggle for independence. 
• clared the great fim- 
powers from the consent 
he law all men stand upon the plane of al> 
ts of republican institutions were not 
by any government of the 
vngth and power 
the rugged pioneers who set- 
doctrines their hopes and aspirations 
7 were tl .age of freedom, and it 

i mighty rivers proclaimed them. 
the familiar history of the won- 
1 in American independence. The doctrines of 
.1 have made marvelous progress since that 
influence upon all the governments 
rriers of the Atlantic and substituted 
ic will of absolute monarchs. It should 
1 asion for criticism that the people of 

'id identified with us in commercial relations, aspire 
rovernment. 
amiliar with intci " law. and do not claim to be advised 

d intricate proprieties. It maybe that under the 
s not exist on the Island of Cuba 
a according to the Cuban patriots belliger- 
I layman, however, seeking only to know the 
trn . it would seem that the warfare now devastating 

• the level of mere guerrilla strife. If not, Mr. 
armies of Spain, so repeatedly reenf orced by vet- 
have thus far been unable to repress the people of Cuba in 
rational independence! '1 he spirit of American free- 
i iba across the Gulf of Mexico, and I bid 
forts to establish a free and independent 

situation may not be unvexed with doubt; but if 
la-re* and now in favor of the struggling 
i m lavor of the Senate resolutions. 

Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman from Illinois [Mr. 
I mmittee on Foreign Affairs, was at that 

tini' nd most conspicuous champions not only 

of tl • : t m 11 iLcerency but also of Federal intervention 

rare the independei i aba. He argued both propositions 

with kbility, and supported his position by citing the 

liahed by Presidents Madison, Monroe, and Grant. 



u 

FEDERAL INTERVENTION'. 

Referring to the war which the Spanish Government waged 
with its colonies on this continent in South America and Mexico 
at the beginning of this century, he said that our Government 
then "tendered its good offices and friendly counsels to Spain, 
urging upon Spain the recognition of the independence of the 
colonies. That was done, hear in mind, those of you who think 
we are going too fast in this ; ' — and mark you. Mr. Chairman, this 
was nearly two years ago— "and that there is danger of our being 
called jingoes, by the most courteous and prudent of our Presi- 
dents, Mr. Madison." 

Continuing, Mr. Chairman, the learned gentleman from Illinois 
declared: 

That is in the early history, and is a precedent of great authority made 1 ly 
the man who, more than any other, may be called the father of the < lonstitu- 
tion; and the Secretary of State who carried it out was Mr. Monroe, w'n 
name is synonymous throughout the world with the wisest and noblest fea- 
ture of the foreign policy of the Republic. 

Cautious and courteous as the chairman of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs is at all times, he further fortified his statement 
by the following citation from the message of President Monn e 
of November 14, 1820: 

To promote that result [independence] by friendly counsels with other 
powers, including Spain herself, has been the uniform policy oi this Govern- 
ment. 

Nearly fourscore years have passed since the foreign policy of 
the Republic was thus announced by Madison and Monroe. 

President Madison is properly called the father of the Constitu- 
tion. The name of President Monroe is truly associated, as the 
distinguished chairman of Foreign Affairs remarked, with one 
feature of our foreign policy that will perpetuate his memory for 
all coming time. My colleague [Mr. Clark! , in recent debate, 
quoted an excerpt from the message of President Monroe of De- 
cember, 1823, which was the formulation of the celebrated Monroe 
doctrine. In this connection he paid its author a beautiful and 
well-chosen tribute in the following language: 

When he penned that fateful paragraph, Monroe little dreamed (h 
was laying hold of earthly immortality, but such is the truth of history. We 
are very much disposed to underrate Monroe, but to our Spanish- American 
neighbors he is. next to Washington, the great American. We neglect him, 
but they delight to build monuments to his memory. His utterance became 
part of our creed political. We have forced it into'the code of int. 'mat ional 
law. 

Sir, let us catch the inspiration which animated Monroe in his 
celebrated message, in which he took the initiative step that will 
ultimately dedicate every foot of soil on the Western Continent 
to freedom and the equal rights of men. Of course this great 
work can not be accomplished in a day or in a generation. But 
it will go forward, and we must deal with conditions as they pre- 
sent themselves. The present is an opportune moment to inter- 
vene by the recognition of belligerency and thus assist the 
Cubans to establish a free and independent nation. 

But, Mr. Chairman, I have somewhat digressed from the line of 
my argument in pausing for a moment to pay a tribute to two of 
America's most illustrious Presidents. I may add, however, that 
the most recent precedent in support of intervention was made by 
President Grant during the time the Cubans were waging their 
first war with Spain for independence, from 1868 to 1878. 

""' * * # * •:<- •:- 

Sir, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Hitt] two years ago did 
not stand upon this floor as the advocate of a policy of delav. He 

3256 



15 

•ints of order against a proposition similar 
to th y eminent colleague, Judge De Armond, 

r I :ed, he was then foremost in 

i put the Cuban patriots at least upon 

:h the merciless Spaniards. Recognizing 

3 the Cubans by a recognition of their 

npon the House the adoption of the reso- 

I ■ rarely surpassed in this Chamber. 

I lution then pending, he further said: 

. ' recognize those as the bellig- 
o carrying on war, and you at once 
..-.'■mg nations in our ports. The 
ibes what they are doiug. 
ats, and you enable 
tied to do— to carry a flag, to 
■ d supplies of every kind, to pur- 
em out openly, just as the Spanish Govern- 
scure and distant ports by 
pies and informers to give 
ve them I. Then men could go 

iditions. They could negotiate 
nish Government is doing now. 

; yeomanry who constitute the body of the 
>ring for the old-time vigor in the administration 
They desire a return to a policy fashioned in 
I akin to that declared by William L. Marcy, when 
of the Austrian Empire in his successful 
he rights of a naturalized American citizen. 
I i, I admit that with the wiser economic and 

I hen enjoyed we also had a splendid mercan- 
3 of war were ready at all times to vindi- 
ir and protect American interests in any part 
The rapacity of inordinate greed had not then 
domestic or our foreign policy. 
from the present policy of the Republican party as 
by its ( !hief Executive and as indorsed by the vote of its 
i tatives here, I appeal to the Republican masses themselves 

i me to the aid of the Democratic party in their efforts, by m- 
..n and the recognition of belligerency, to uphold the flag 
pui on the Island of Cuba! 
* * * * * * * 

CONCLUSION'. 

Mr Chairman, in my opinion Spain can not much longer assert 

■ ower in ( Juba. That island is distant but 90 miles irom our 

Its freedom must be acknowledged, or else the time is 

n it will be annexed to the United States. As between 

annexation and independence, I frankly confess my preference 

•l'lence. ..,„,,, i a i .. 

,ur of action for the United States has been too long 

■ The ( for more than three long years have been 

[n K to e b their independence and found a govern- 

Eundamental propositions upon which our 

ment is f« -unded. When we were struggling to achieve 

during the Revolution, France came to 

according to us belligerent rights, but t>> 

- and her navies to assist us in achieving the 

Iminated in the surrender of the British at 

Se* falter n I . the succor of Cuba? We may not yet 

, bayonets to Cuba to assist her people 



16 

in throwing off the Spanish yoke, but we can, at least, by the pas- 
sage of resolutions similar to those passed by Congress two years 
ago, give to the Cubans an equal chance with Spain in their great 
contest for freedom. 

The American people are eager for the final settlement of this 
momentous question. The vast trade of this country with Cuba 
is prostrate. The rich commerce of that island has been destroyed. 
Her people are starving and the rules of civilized warfare are 
violated over and over again by the armies of Spain. Rapine, 
murder, and other villainies too shameful to mention follow each 
other in swift succession. Our flag, which was formerly carried 
by our merchant marine engaged in the Cuban trade, is hanging 
listless in port. The American people protest against further 
delay. The Democratic party insists upon action. The masses 
of the Republican party command us to go forward. 

The only hindrance to the speedy accomplishment of legislation 
that will aid the Cubans comes from an Administration and from 
Republican Representatives on this floor elected upon a platform 
committing them without reserve to the cause of Cuban inde- 
pendence. Every interest of commerce forbids further delay. 
Every dictate of humanity protests, every aspiration that leaps 
from the hearthstones of a liberty-loving people cries out against 
the continuance of the policy of this Administration. The people 
prefer peace; they desire an honorable peace. But, should the 
issue of war be tendered, it will be accepted with cheerfulness, if 
necessary, to reestablish our commerce with Cuba and give pros- 
perity and freedom to the long-suffering patriots of the " Gem of 
the Antilles. " But there will be no war. If accorded the rights of 
belligerents the Cubans will drive the armies of Spain from the 
Island of Cuba. 



The joint resolution [approved by the President April 20, 1898J : 

For the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding 
that the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in 
the Island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and 
Cuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the 
land and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into 
effect. 

Whereas the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three 
years in the Island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral 
sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian 
civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a United States 
battle ship, with 266 of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the 
harbor of Havana, and can not longer be endured, as has bee 1 ^ set forth by 
the President of the United States in his message to Congress ot April 11,1808, 
upon which the action of Congress was invited: Therefore, 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, First. That the people of the Island of Cuba 
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Gov- 
ernment of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of 
Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba 
and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, di- 
rected and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United 
States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of 
the several States, to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolu- 
tions into effect. 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or inten- 
tion to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island excep t 
for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is ac- 
complislied to leave the government and control of the island to its people. 
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